The Republican party hasn't had a real plan in a decade.
2016's only platform was to Lock Up Hilary (?) and Build That Wall.
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The Republican party hasn't had a real plan in a decade.
2016's only platform was to Lock Up Hilary (?) and Build That Wall.
Aristopopulist is a term I've never heard before and it really englobes that phenomenon of far right bourgeois and aristocrats trying to fish working class votes. That's nice to know.
Nobody hates the poor like the newly wealthy.
JD Vance can promise blood in the streets, and I'm confident he can fulfil his promises. If you're invested in the immiseration of your neighbors at the enrichment of your bosses, this guy is going to deliver for you in spades.
Guys like Greg Abbott and Ron DeSantis have already demonstrated their ability to churn out the vile and destructive policies, aimed directly at their state's most vulnerable populations. They only seem to get more entrenched within their base after each newly constructed migrant torture center or book burning ceremony or anti-abortion inquisition.
Vance wants to take this to a national scale.
That word... It's so contradictory.
...and yet so apt - though it probably applies to Trump even more than to Vance: Born with a silver spoon in his mouth, and yet able to tell (sort of) regular people what they want to hear. They could probably have used this skill for Good, but that's not where they went. Sometimes I wonder whether they think they did.
He's a flip flopper - nothing out of his mouth is real... that's probably why Trump is so enamored with him.
I don't think he even knows what that means
This is the best summary I could come up with:
‘The tragedy of Trump’s candidacy is that, embedded in his furious exhortations against Muslims and Mexicans and trade deals gone awry is a message that America’s white poor don’t need: that everything wrong in your life is someone else’s fault.”
Vance may be an Ivy League-educated lawyer and venture capitalist, and a politician heavily backed by Silicon Valley billionaires, but he grew up in the decaying steel town of Middletown, Ohio, the descendant of hillbillies who had migrated in search of jobs.
Raised in poverty and within a dysfunctional family, Vance escaped by joining the marines, before studying law at Yale University, giving him entry into the highest echelons of American society.
The troubles tormenting working-class communities may partly be the product of globalisation and industrial decline but, Vance insists, speak much more to cultural and moral failings; workers given to indolence (“we choose not to work when we could be looking for jobs”) and a desire to play the victim.
That shift was emphasised by perhaps the most significant moment of the convention – not Trump’s coronation or Vance’s elevation but the speech by Sean O’Brien, president of the Teamsters, the first address by a union leader to the RNC.
What is needed, rather, is an elite capable, unlike now, of inculcating the lower orders with an “understanding of what constitutes their own good” and ensuring, through cultural and religious constraints, that they don’t tumble into degeneracy.
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