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I've noticed this too and have qualms when academic Marxists throw out value from a discussion of Marx and political economy. I have tried getting a better idea of how Desai and Hudson view money, and if any hints at value may be there. After all, in academia one often must hide ones orthodox Marxism. But their views are very Chartalist.
Radhika Desai says in an earlier Geopolitical Economy Report episode, Understanding money and the dollar system’s contradictions with Radhika Desai & Michael Hudson
And then later in the Episode Radhika makes a point that gold isn't money, but is money material, material thay serves as a stand in or expression of money.
As long as one relates thay back to value, then I can vibe with that. But they never seem to discuss value
And from Desai's and Hudson's paper, Beyond the Dollar Creditocracy: A Geopolitical Economy
You can see their Chartalist, MMT perspective by their relating money fundamentally to debt, and not to value or commodity exchange.
I'm okay with even the idea of looking at money as debt, but to me (and I'm an just pol econ n00b so this may be half-brained) discussing debt is another way of discussing value. If a person x is in debt to person y, then person x, or some part of society's labor that x controls, must allocate real labor toward the production of value that can satisfy that debt. And if we abstract away from money but think of an example od debt repayments in kind, x baking an apple pie for y probably isn't a good debt repayment for the aircraft carrier that x borrowed from y. Why... hmm, maybe it has something go do with value.
Maybe I'm off base here, but I see value has the true thing that underlies even debt. So value comes back into the picture because production, labor is the bedrock of any political economy. And that social labor must be reallocated in various outlets and acts as the real constraint, even if its only debts that are being paid back.
I've shared one criticism of MMT from Michael Roberts here before, but got some push back. And the push back may have been warranted. This paper may oversimplify the MMT position and I can't completely judge it's worth. Nonetheless I'll risk sharing it again. More discussion re. It is good even if it is disagreement. The criticism is again, that MMT, or at least the popularized versions of it ignores value, and hence the limits of an economy's productive capacity - while also noting that scholars within the field do recognize these limits even if the limits aren't present in the popularization of MMT
From Michael Robert's article The Modern Monetary Trick
But even MMT theorists admit that there are real constraints to money creation.
I'm not the one who can express it, but I'm sure there are ways to better put Desai and Hudsons views in better dialogue with Value. Academic Marxists tend to throw out value, but I think of that as a major theoretical error. You throw out the law of value, and the current through which either economy fundamentally rests on labor
Another limitation of MMT that both Michael Hudson and Michael Roberts mention is that it is a theory of domestic money creation. It doesn't help with the creation of foreing currency obviously. So there are limitations in the theory's use in international exchange. As well as for nations that have no sovereign currency, obviously.
MMT isn't strictly against bond issuance. Money itself is debt, the cash in your wallet is Government debt, money in your bank is debt of the bank which it promises to be fully convertible to Government debt whether using reserves or cash withdrawal.
Money has to be created ("printed") first before it's taxed back.
When the Government sells bonds when it runs deficits, people need to have Government money in the first place to buy the said bonds (since Government only accepts their money). This money must have come from previous Government or bank money creation. This is why MMTers say bond issuance is more about monetary policy than fiscal.
Only a Government fiscal deficit (assuming no external sector) can create net financial assets in the domestic non-Government sector.
The limits of "money creation" are real, not financial, that's what functional finance is about.
MMT doesn't say following functional finance will make every poor third world country rich. However, the current sound finance framework and focus on arbitrary financial ratios have resulted in nearly all third world countries having high un/underemployment, way below capacity. Many third world Governments actually think they NEED foreign investments to mobilize domestic resources, when in reality foreign investments should be to get foreign expertise, currency and technology.
When foreign investors invest, they bring in foreign currencies for which the central bank or commercial banks provide local currencies for. This creates external demand for domestic currency.
This allows the country to import more but can also create dependencies especially with Portfolio investment ie allowing foreigners to buy liquid domestic financial assets like shares and not less liquid real assets like plant and machinery. Even with FDI, flows can stop quickly which will depreciate the exchange rate and force an adjustment in trade.
Whether a country should run trade surpluses to obtain foreign currencies and stabilize the exchange rate, increase demand for currency abroad should be based on whether it improves the country materially, not on whether it lowers fiscal deficits or local currency Government debt.
That’s not what MMT says though, despite that it has been regurgitated so many times (and I suspect I myself might also have been guilty of that in the past) that people simply think “MMT = printing money”.
One of the greatest contributions of MMT to economics is the introduction of a price anchor through a Job Guarantee program - which automatically controls inflation. It is not just “priting money”, it is “printing money with an automatic stabilizer built in so you will always be able to control demand-side inflation”.
Therefore, MMT is not Keynesianism, for the Keynesians themselves could not solve the inflation problem at full employment, which is why even Keynes himself advocated for austerity when an economic crisis has passed and the economy has gone back to full employment. Ironically, it was the Keynesians failure to address the inflation problem that led to the rise of neoliberalism in the 1970s where their “solution” to inflation was to crush worker’s wages and create unemployment.
And we know that MMT works, because Stalin already did it from 1929-1955 during the first Five-Year Plans. Stalin showed that you can indeed run a huge deficits for 25 years straight without inflation, through the introduction of a dual circuit monetary system. No other economy until the US in the 1970s has run a deficit that large and that long without the inflation problem. It was only after Khrushchev reintroducing liberal economics by defaulting on the Soviet mandatory bonds in 1957 and overturning many of Stalin’s policies that the USSR’s growth began to plateau and eventually entering a stagnation period.
Thanks for the response!
I'm trying to think of how that would work with the limited knowledge I have. I'm trying to piece together all these scattered teachings into something coherent in my brain lol. I don't have an education in political economy so you'll have to bear with me. I preface my response with this because I feel like in online writing everyone defaults to assuming bad intentions or hostility. I'd just like to try to better synthesize everything I'm slowly learning.
Is the following one way of approaching why Stalin's plan worked: So the full job guarantee would allow the available labor of the economy L~total~ to be maximally allocated to production of use values at some volume Q~max~ given the productive capacity of the economy.
Given the equation of exchange, which to my knowledge is a tautology re. how the velocity of money isdefined. So it is (trivially) always true by definition - which may make if a pointless equation lol
M v = P Q
Rearranging for the price level given full employment,
P = v M/Q~max~
So the price level shouldn't increase as long as the maximal allocation of labor can keep up with money production, i.e. increases in M are matched by increases in Q~max~ given static v (which I know in practice is never static though). If Q~max~ can't increase, then the only way to increase if is to improve productivity, L~total~ is already allocated. How does Stalin's dual circuit monetary system break this equation, or overcome it? As it is a tautology I thought it would be true by definition, but is it built on assumptions that the dual circuit can bypass? Thanks!
Going on a tangent regarding the allocation/distribution/division of labor to various sectors, the above just discusses aggregate quantities, like the aggregate labor L or aggregated volume produced Q. This labor myst be reallocated to sectors, and this reallocation would have to be commanded or allocated via a law of value. Soviet textbooks post Stalin do mention that the law of value still regulates the economy, and Stalin in his Economic Problems of the USSR mentions the law of value as operating in the economy, but as a limited regulator, or if not a regulator then an influencer.
It appears that for consumption goods the law of value appears and regulates, but in the production of intermediate goods the law of value does not regulate, but since consumption goods are required to reproduce labor, the law of value (in consumption goods) does have an impact, or influence on intermediate goods.
Does the above relate to the dual circuit you were discussing?
Thanks again!
Let’s go over how the price anchor in MMT works first. The key here is that the currency issuer (i.e. the state) also determines the wage (labor-hour), thereby anchoring labor to the price of commodity.
Job Guarantee is one implementation of this principle that is tailored to the present day modern economy, given the dynamics of private-public enterprises, legal and monetary institutions and the various infrastructures already in place.
In short, the Job Guarantee ensures that anyone who is willing to work will be employed in a “Public/State Enterprise”, and by setting the price of the labor-hour (how much the State is paying a publicly employed worker), it also sets a wage floor and thereby anchoring the rate of labor and commodity to this, since price is relative.
Let’s say you’re a nurse working in a private hospital and you’re being paid $50 per hour. You want to demand a wage increase, and wants to do so through collective bargaining. Without Job Guarantee, the private employer can simply tell you no, or proceed to lay off workers demanding higher wages, since the labor can be easily replaced.
However, with a Job Guarantee - say the State guarantees a pay of $45 per hour - you can simply threaten to collectively leave the job and join the State-run hospital that guarantees a minimum wage. This minimum wage may be slightly lower than the pay from private enterprise, but the most important part is that two things happen here:
Therefore, with the State offering a Job Guarantee and setting the wage floor, this mechanism becomes an automatic stabilizer that controls inflation, since prices are relative to the wage (while output remains constant)!
The Job Guarantee therefore acts as an elastic pool of workers employed by the State - when private enterprises lay off workers, the workers don’t lose their income but instead are taken on by the State, ensuring that both output and demand do not fall off a cliff. Similarly, when the business is booming and the private enterprises pay higher wages, these workers will shift towards private employment and the pool of Job Guarantee workers shrinks.
Now, let’s move on to how the USSR under Stalin’s Five-Year Plans handled the inflation issue. With the 1930-31 Credit Reform, a dual circuit component was introduced to the Soviet monetary system: non-cash and cash rubles. Non-cash ruble circuit allows the settlements between enterprises and long-term financing of capital investment (for the creation of means of production), whereas the cash ruble circuit allows the settlements of the transactions between the citizens and retail trade turnover (this is where ordinary citizens get paid for their labor).
The two circuits are only partially overlapped - where the cash ruble emission is issued and regulated by the State Bank on the basis of the availability of goods and commodities, in the form of wage payment to the workers.
What this means is that it allows the State to run a perpetually large deficit to finance development, without having to worry about inflation since the amount of cash ruble is tightly regulated, and determined by the State.
The loop goes like this: the State runs a large deficit by creating non-cash rubles to finance capital investments -> new production/factories are built -> new goods are created/issued -> cash rubles are then issued on the basis of productivity and availability of goods in the form of wage payment.
As such, demand-side inflation is effectively controlled even though huge sums of non-cash rubles have been emitted by the State Bank to drive large scale development.
So, very different implementation from MMT’s Job Guarantee, but both share the same principles: in both cases, the State sets the wages!
This is very different from price fixing, as an example, since fixing commodities to particular prices does not account for prices becoming lower as production of private enterprises become more efficient than the state enterprises.
I think many Marxists (including Roberts) who don’t like MMT are still stuck to the “fixed exchange rate regime” mindset (e.g. gold standard during Marx’s time and the Bretton Woods afterwards) and do not understand that in a free floating exchange rate system, many of the restrictions no longer apply. Stalin correctly decoupled the ruble from gold in the late 1920s/early 1930s, and the USSR economy took off.